David Carlton. Churchill
and the Soviet Union.
Manchester and New York: Manchester
University Press, 2000. 234 pp.
Russian Review.....
http://users.ju.edu/jclarke/carlton.htm
The first words in David Carlton’s Introduction to Churchill and the Soviet Union repeat
Winston Churchill’s famous 1939 description of the Communist state: “It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside
an enigma.” He begins his Conclusion
with the same cliché. Between these two
bookends, Carlton tries to unwrap another
mysterious enigma—Churchill’s attitudes and policies toward the Soviet Union.
And they are an enigma. After World War
I, Churchill relentlessly demanded Allied Intervention to eliminate the
Bolshevik scourge. By the late 1930s, he
was urging Britain
to forge and alliance with the Soviets against the German-Nazi threat. During the dark winter of 1939 and 1940, he
wished that Britain would
aid Finland against the Soviet Union.
After June 1941, he embraced the USSR as a worthy ally in the common
struggle against Adolf Hitler. By 1946,
he was proposing a united Anglo-American front against Russia and
global Communism; soon he was even calling for an atomic showdown with the
Soviets. Finally, during the 1950s, he promoted
an early summit with the Muscovite regime.
Carlton chronically divides
his story into seven chapters, each carefully tracing Churchill’s twists and
turns on the Soviet Union. It is amazing that, despite Churchill’s own
voluminous writings, extensive official documentation, and about 650 existing
biographies, how much Carlton
has to rely, ultimately, on speculation.
He manages, however, to come to the clear conclusion that,
“ideologically-based anti-Sovietism and anti-Communism were Churchill’s most
abiding obsession for some forty years,” and his “apparent somersaults were
mere digressions and often only tactical in character.” (p. 200)
While sympathetic, Carlton
is hardly uncritical of his subject. One
of the great merits of this book is that Churchill does not come off as
myth. Churchill’s approach to the
Soviets throughout was self-serving, opportunistic, petty, ambitious,
insincere, often inebriated, and in the last years clouded by senility. He also tried to promote Britain’s
national interests oft threatened from many sides, including by Communist
Russia and Nazi Germany.
Carlton’s Churchill is
fully human with all the contradictions, mistakes, self-serving political
machinations, undeserved good fortune—and strength of character—that make so many people in positions of power so
compelling. In this regard, one of the
most interesting of Carlton’s
themes is his comparison of Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement of Hitler to
Churchill’s frequent appeasement of Joseph Stalin. Carlton
effectively points out how politically close Chamberlain and Churchill truly
were.
Carlton ends
his book by evaluating the effectiveness of that for which Churchill is most
sainted—his fervent opposition to Communism.
On the one hand, Carlton sympathetically
supports Churchill’s pride in saving both Greece
and Spain
from Communism after World War II. On
the other hand, he effectively uses the conceit of the annual lecture at
Westminster College
in Fulton,
Missouri celebrating Churchill’s “Iron
Curtain” speech of 1946 to undermine Churchill’s place in the anti-Communist
pantheon. He notes that on that day of
fiery Churchillian rhetoric, often seen as the declaration of the Cold War,
that “the self-effacing chairman” (p. 219) President Harry Truman literally and
metaphorically sat in the background.
But who, he asks, in the end was the more effective? Carlton
clearly sees Truman as the true anti-Communist hero for his “greater maturity,
steadiness and sense of proportion.” (p. 219)
J. Calvitt Clarke III
Jacksonville
University
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