ETHIOPIA’S
NON-WESTERN MODEL FOR WESTERNIZATION:
FOREIGN
MINISTER HERUY’S MISSION TO JAPAN, 1931
Paper
presented to ISA South
J. Calvitt
Clarke III
Jacksonville
University
Jacksonville,
FL 32211
jclarke@ju.edu
(904)
221-3571
(904)
256-7211 (fax)
ABSTRACT
To the exaggerated horror of many western powers, in the 1920s, a series of Japanese visitors sought to expand trade between Japan and Ethiopia. Japanese representatives attended Hayle Sellase’s Coronation in 1930, and soon afterward signed a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce with Ethiopia. The next year, the Ethiopians promulgated a constitution closely modeled on Japan’s Meiji Constitution of 1889. Capping this rapprochement, Foreign Minister Heruy Welde Sellase, one of Ethiopia’s most influential “Japanizers,” visited Japan in late 1931. Heruy sought commercial and political ties as well as military aid. Widely fêted, Heruy and his party examined many of Japan’s most important industrial and military facilities. Many of Japan’s most influential nationalist leaders eagerly greeted him hoping to find in Ethiopia an important ally in the struggle of “colored peoples” against white colonialism and imperialism. Heruy’s visit, however, signaled the high-water mark of cooperation. Japan’s government proved less willing to risk the wrath of the world’s great powers than were Japan’s nationalists. Based on English, French, Italian, and Japanese primary and secondary sources, this paper describes the motives and consequences of the well-publicized visit. It also places this example of globalization and westernization through a non-western agent in its larger diplomatic context.

To the exaggerated horror
of many western powers, in the 1920s, a series of Japanese visitors sought to
expand trade between Japan and Ethiopia.
Japanese representatives attended Hayle Sellase’s Coronation in 1930,
and soon afterward signed a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce with
Ethiopia. The next year, the Ethiopians
promulgated a constitution closely modeled on Japan’s Meiji Constitution of
1889. This rapprochement encouraged
Ethiopia’s “Japanizers,” a group of young educated Ethiopians who sought
modernization for their country by modeling Japanese successes. Seemingly fulfilling their dreams, Foreign
Minister Heruy Welde Sellase, one of Ethiopia’s most influential Japanizers,
visited Japan in late 1931.[1]
An accomplished and
progressive thinker, Heruy wrote in Amharic some twenty-eight works, including
stories, histories, and social philosophy.
A linguist and, after 1930, foreign minister, he also had served in
diplomatic missions to Paris, Geneva, Japan, and the United States. Additionally, Heruy had edited Ethiopia’s civil
and ecclesiastical codes. Both he and
Emperor Hayle Sellase sought the Japanese developmental model, and both
understood that Europeans acting as Japan’s educators had prodded Japan’s rapid
evolution. Speaking with the French
chargé d’affaires in Ethiopia, Heruy praised Japan’s transformation and
asserted, “You will see even more extraordinary things here than in Japan.”[2]
Approaches to Japan held
practical diplomatic advantages. By the
early 1930s, Ethiopia’s policy was to confide important business concessions to
those countries not having immediate interests in Ethiopia, for example, the
United States, Germany, a few small European countries, and Japan. In the international political game, Heruy
understood that Japan’s geographical position meant the Japanese could not
threaten Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
Further, Japan’s economic interests in Ethiopia might induce Tokyo to
back Ethiopia if a European power should threaten. Finally, a Japanese presence, including immigration, in Ethiopia
could weaken the rights of England, France, and Italy, which held neighboring
colonies.[3]
French diplomats had
thought well of Heruy, at least early in his career. In 1919, when he went to Europe, they saw him as leading
Ethiopia’s intellectual party. At the
request of the Quai d’Orsay, he received an insignia as an officer of public
instruction. When named in 1922 as
president of the Special Court in Addis Ababa, a special court designed to deal
with non-natives, foreign diplomats expressed satisfaction. The French minister in Ethiopia from 1917 to
1923, reported that Heruy was honest, intelligent, educated, and that all
Europeans in Ethiopia were counting on him to guarantee the smooth functioning
of the Special Court. In 1924, Heruy
joined Teferi Mekonnen—the future emperor Hayla Sellase—on another trip
to Europe. On that occasion, another
French minister declared him to be:
a man of great worth,
completely devoted to Ras Teferi for
whom he will probably become one of the principal ministers if the prince
arrives to the throne. Full of common
sense and open-minded. Understands well
modern ideas and understands the necessity that his country come to know them. One of the government’s best heads. . . . .[4]
Little-by-little, however,
this positive opinion changed. In a
letter of July 25, 1931 to his foreign minister, the French chargé d’affaires
wrote that Heruy lacked intelligence and took only superficial care of his
job. The government in Addis Ababa,
nonetheless, took no decision without consulting him. His influence on the sovereign remained so important that one
French representative called him the “Rasputin” of Ethiopia, and another
editorialized, “Heruy was consecrated emperor under the name of Hayle
Sellase.” One wag called him “the
wizard.”[5]
Why had Heruy’s reputation
among French diplomats slipped so badly?
Not a Francophile, he did not trust Europeans in general, although he
did want to draw closer to the English and the Swedes. The French also criticized Heruy’s
aggressive policies that had isolated Ethiopia. Specifically, many Europeans—including the French—blamed Heruy
for Japan’s advances in Ethiopia.[6]
The idea for Heruy’s visit had begun the year before
when Tokyo sent as an ambassador extraordinary its ambassador in Turkey to attend
Hayla Sellase’s coronation in November 1930.
While there, Ambassador Yoshida Isaburo also negotiated and signed a new
Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, which the two states ratified two years
later. Eager to see if Ethiopia could
model its modernization along Japanese lines, on November 19, Heruy asked
Yoshida about sending an Ethiopian mission to Japan to improve relations. Receiving a favorable reply, Ethiopia’s
emperor then officially requested that Japan accept an ambassador extraordinary
to Japan, and the Gaimusho [foreign ministry] directed Yoshida to discuss
details.[7] Heruy had originally intended to go in
May. After Tokyo, he planned to go to
the United States and thence to France to meet Ethiopia’s Crown Prince. But by this time, the Ethiopians had
indefinitely postponed the Crown Prince’s visit to Europe, and Heruy decided to
return directly from Japan to Ethiopia.
There remained only a slight chance that the emperor might order him to
go to the United States from Japan. In
either case, Heruy intended to return to Ethiopia after three months because of
his duties in Addis Ababa.[8]
Having told Rome of his plans, Heruy, special envoy
of the Ethiopian emperor, left Addis Ababa on September 30. Traveling with him were Teferi Gebre Mariam
(Ethiopia’s consul in Djibouti), Araya Abeba, and Daba Birrou. They all sailed on October 5, 1931 from
Djibouti in French Somaliland, bound for Japan. As portents for the future, one of the party, Araya-Ababa, would
become engaged with Kuroda Masako, a Japanese; another, Daba Birrou, in 1935
would again visit Japan, this time during the Italo-Ethiopian conflict.[9]
On the same day that Heruy left Djibouti America’s
representative in Addis Ababa, Addison Southard, sent a long message to
Washington. He reported that Heruy had
said he was going to Japan mainly to return the recent official Japanese visits
about opening a legation, negotiating a treaty of commerce and friendship, and
attending the coronation. Southard believed
the Japanese had proposed an arrangement that would give them nearly a monopoly
of the local cotton piece goods market, which they already competitively
dominated. One Japanese firm, which he
understood to have “dickered” for this concession, was the “Nisshin Boseki
Kabuskiki Kaisha, Société Anonyme de Filature de Coton, Tokyo, Japan” [xxx].
The emperor also wanted to manufacture in Ethiopia the coarser kinds of
cotton piece goods, and Southard thought that Heruy would propose that the
Japanese set up such an enterprise in Ethiopia.[10]
From his conversations over many years, Southard
added, he knew that the emperor admired Japan and believed the Japanese had
achieved their influential world position by using foreign advisers. Hayle Sellase further thought that Ethiopia
might reasonably expect to accomplish similarly marvelous results through his
own foreign advisers. Southard
skeptically added that the emperor was “unaware, of course, of the vast
differences between the two countries and peoples, and their qualifications and
resources which place Japan far ahead of what Ethiopia is or ever could hope to
be.” Southard had spent many years in
the Far East before entering the Foreign Service, and he knew Japan well. But Southard never thought it “discreet to
try the probably impossible, and genuinely delicate, task of convincing His
Imperial Majesty of the great difference between the two countries and their
peoples.” Southard did “informally and
tactfully” suggest to Heruy how he could make practical comparisons during his
visit to Japan.[11]
At 9:00 a.m. on November 5, Heruy’s delegation
arrived at Kobe in western Japan aboard the liner Andre Lebon. High Japanese
government officials, a prefectural governor, the mayor, and two to three
thousand citizens, including members of a young men’s association, boy scouts,
and school children welcomed him. The
envoy told the throng of his hopes for mutual prosperity, closer friendship,
and commercial intercourse.
I am pleased at the recent
conclusion of the Japan-Abyssinian commercial treaty. Founded 3,000 years ago, the Kingdom of Abyssinia has much in
common with the Japanese Empire.
By the power of Queen Sheba,
the son of Solomon founded the kingdom and the present King is the 127th
descendant. During the past history of
3,000 years, there occurred in the country conflicts between the followers of
Christianity and Mohammedanism to the great detriment of the development of the
country’s culture. Abyssinia has shown
rapid development of late in its culture and other national activities. For instance Addis Ababa, the capital, has
now railways.[12]
Heruy later recounted, “On our arrival in Japan, I heard people’s joyful
cries. Many Japanese citizens awaited
us at the port waving Ethiopian and Japanese flags. People acclaiming us flooded the route to the hotel. Everywhere we went, it was the same.”[13] Given their recent withdrawal from the
League of Nations, the Japanese were especially happy to welcome Heruy’s
mission of friendship from Africa.
After lunch, the party drove to Mount Rokko and Takarazuka, and attended
a tea party held at the Zuihoji temple.[14]
At 9:00 p.m. that night, Heruy’s group boarded a
special train bound for Tokyo. Arriving
the next morning, the Minister of the Imperial Household, Ichiki Kitokuro,
Foreign Minister Shidehara Kijuro, and other high officials and journalists
welcomed them. While the Toyama
Military Band played, the Ethiopian envoy and his party entered the Distinguished
Guests’ Room at the station for a short rest.[15]
Escorted by Imperial Honor Guards and attended by
Master of Ceremony Watanabe, the envoy and his suite then went to the Imperial
Hotel. Again escorted by Imperial
bodyguards and motorcycles, they left the hotel at 10:20 a.m. for the Imperial
Palace in the carriage sent by the court.
Received in audience at the Phoenix Hall, Heruy saluted Emperor Hirohito
in Amharic and gave him a royal letter and the Grand Cordon of Solomon with
Paulownia Flowers, the highest order of the Ethiopian Empire. In turn, he received the First Order of
Merit and the Grand Cordon of the Rising Sun from the Japanese emperor. Heruy confirmed Ethiopia’s choice of Japan
as the model for modernization. “Our
Ethiopian Emperor is deeply impressed with Japanese Empire’s remarkable and
great progress of the last sixty years.
He is astonished that the Japanese Empire performed such a great deed in
such a short time, and he is determined to push the Great Japanese Empire as
the best model for Ethiopia.” Heruy
then thanked the emperor for the imperial representation at Hayle Sellase’s
coronation the previous spring and for the honor given him as a guest of state.[16]
The emperor, in turn, expressed gratitude for the
decoration and for the visit from such a far-off land. Received in audience by the empress, Heruy
presented her with a Grand Cordon.
Leaving the Imperial Palace shortly after 11:00 a.m., the envoy and his
party returned to the Imperial Hotel.
With the members of his suite, Heruy presented himself at the Imperial
Palace again at 12:30 p.m. and attended the imperial luncheon given in the
visitors’ honor at the Homeiden Hall.
The emperor and empress and the prince and princess attended. The visitors left the palace shortly before
2:00 p.m. The emperor then sent Grand
Master of Ceremonies Hayashi to return the call.[17]
Heruy visited the Gaimusho on November 7 at 10:00
a.m. to offer formal greetings to Shidehara, who offered a toast in English:
The Ethiopian emperor invited Japanese
representatives for the coronation last year.
We enthusiastically sent Minister Yoshida for this honorable
mission. Now it is our great pleasure
to meet Your Excellency who has been sent to the Japanese emperor by your head
of state. I wish to toast the
prosperity of the Ethiopian Empire.
Forever for the friendship of both countries! Ethiopian emperor, Banzai![18]
Heruy kept an active schedule. After his meeting with Shidehara, he paid
homage at the Meiji Shrine. In the
afternoon, the envoy visited the Ueno Zoo and the “Teiten” Art Exhibition at
the Tokyo Prefectural Art Museum. In
the evening, Japanese entertained him at the Kabukiza theater. Heruy arrived at Nikko on the morning of
November 9 and stayed overnight at the Kanaya Hotel. He left on the 10th, after paying a visit to the Toshogu
Shrine. The Imperial Household Office
held a wild duck hunting party for Heruy at the Hama Detached Palace on
November 11, beginning at 10:00 a.m.[19]
At Heruy’s request, the War Office arranged for him
on November 15 to observe a mock battle between the Imperial Bodyguard Division
and the Utsunomiya 14th Division held in Tochigi Prefecture. This was part of the three-day,
interdivisional maneuvers. Bound for
the war games, Heruy’s party left Tokyo on Saturday morning, November 14, and
visited a railway plant at Omlya and the Katakuru Reeling Company during the
morning. The
mock battle
began at 2:00 p.m. took place across the Omoi River. The group stayed that night at Sano. On November 15, Heruy and his party watched the battle that
started at 5:00 a.m. around Tochigi.[20]

Heruy and his party, who had been staying in Nagoya,
left the Nagoya hotel at 8:30 a.m. on November 18 to visit the Hattori Poultry
Farm, the Japan Rolling Stock Manufacturing Company, and the Mitsubishi
Aircraft Manufacturing Plant. At 12:30
p.m., the Ethiopians attended the luncheon given by Mayor Oiwa at the
Buntenkaku Restaurant in Tsurumai Park, and later the guests saw the main tower
of the Nagoya Castle. In the evening,
they were the guests of honor at the dinner party given jointly by Aichi
Prefecture, Nagoya city, and the Nagoya Chamber of Commerce and Industry.[21] Seen off by the governor of Aichi
Prefecture, the mayor of Nagoya, and others, Heruy and his party left Nagoya
Station at 9:52 a.m. on the 19th for Kyoto.[22]
With his suite, Heruy
arrived in Osaka from Nara on the afternoon of November 24. By this time, Kuroki Tokijiro, the former
Vice-Consul at Port Said and now Consul at Saigon had joined Heruy’s party. Kuroki had been central to Japan’s early
approaches to Ethiopia. Alighting,
Heruy said, “By the present tour in Japan I realized more and more that Japan
is a nation of the most hospitality.
Everywhere I went I was given a hearty welcome and cordial reception,
which I shall never forget. I was
particularly surprised to find Japan so much developed.”[23] Many prefectural and local official as well
as business and commercial figures welcomed Heruy. As the envoy left the station, hundreds of school children and
students of girls’ high schools who lined the open space in front of the
station raised cheers of banzai and waved small paper flags.
Then the suite drove to the Osaka Asahi, after which the party toured the Osaka Mainichi, where they met the paper’s president and editors. Heruy found the paper’s Braille edition
especially interesting. The party then
registered at the Osaka Hotel.[24]
Leaving the Hotel at 9:00 a.m., Wednesday morning,
they visited the Osaka Castle, Osaka Prefectural Office, Osaka Municipal
Office, and the Osaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry. From noon to 2:00 p.m., the Japanese held a
reception on honor of Heruy and his group at the Osaka Club under the joint
auspices of Osaka Prefecture, Osaka City, and the Osaka Chamber of Commerce and
Industry. After this, he visited the
Osaka Arsenal. In the later afternoon,
Heruy saw the puppet show at Bunrakuza Theater.[25] The Cotton Cloth Exporters’ Association in
Osaka hosted Heruy at a dinner.
On November 26, the visitors went to the Kanegafuchi
Spinning Company in Kanebo and the Toyo Spinning Company, where they
lunched. Afterward, they toured the
Sumitomo Copper Works and the Azumi Insect Powder Factory. That night the Association of Exporters of
Goods to Africa hosted them at a dinner and then entertained them at a geisha
house.[26]
Kobe extended a hearty welcome to the Ethiopian
envoys, who arrived by motorcar from Osaka at 3:00 p.m. on November 27. The local governor called their visit an
epoch-making event in developing trade between the two countries. The governor’s secretary accompanied the
party to the Naigai Rubber Factory in Hyogo, which Heruy spent more than an
hour inspecting. Later, they attended a
reception at the Chamber of Commerce and Industry building with more than fifty
leading business and town officials. In
the evening, they were guests of honor at a dinner held at the Nishitokiwa,
jointly hosted by the governor, the mayor, and president of the chamber.[27]
Admiring Japan’s well-disciplined soldiers, Heruy
decided to “Japanize” Ethiopia’s troops by adopting Japanese-style military
uniforms. After studying samples from
the Osaka branch of the Army Clothing Depot and elsewhere, he informally
contracted the Toyo and Kanegafuchi spinning companies for supplying cloth for
uniforms. To make the uniforms in
Ethiopia, Heruy wanted to bring home some experienced Japanese tailors. Heruy approached Kuroki, but as a government
official he could not help in selecting tailors. Heruy then began talking with the president of the Osaka Chamber
of Commerce and Industry. The president
of the Toyo Spinning Company thought the Ethiopians would place orders after
Heruy returned home. Kuroki was also
optimistic.[28]
With Heruy’s arrival, Japanese merchants, especially
those in Osaka, saw Ethiopia as a bright prospect for developing markets. The National Cotton Cloth Exporters’
Association with its office in Osaka was encouraging exports of cotton cloths
to Ethiopia to drive away foreign goods, although already more than 80 percent
of cotton cloth consumed there was Japanese.
The Japanese also foresaw an increase in the export of celluloid goods,
mosquito sticks and insect powder, rubber boots, enameled ware, knitted goods,
aluminum manufactures, and caps and hats.
Soap, towels, woolen blankets, glass manufactures, and other piece
goods, not previously exported to Ethiopia, they hoped, would find new markets
in Ethiopia. During his three days in
Osaka, Heruy inspected various manufacturers including the Shimada Glassware
Manufacturing Plant. Pleased with price
and quality, he bought ¥1500 worth of cut glass, soap, and other goods as
samples. An official of the Osaka
Association of Exporters of Goods to Africa complained that Ethiopians did not
appreciate the quality of Japanese goods and had been relying on costly foreign
manufactures. He optimistically added,
“The visiting Envoy seems to have understood the quality of Japanese goods and
the negotiations for commercial transactions in various lines have become brisk
between the Japanese manufacturers and the representative from Ethiopia.”[29]
While Heruy was in Japan, Hayle Sellase sent two
lions to the Japanese emperor. They
arrived on the morning of December 2 at Yokohama aboard the Lloyd Triestino
steamer Venezia I. Taken first to the Imperial Palace for
inspection, the lions later went to the Ueno Zoo into a cage next to the tiger.[30]
Heruy, who had been sojourning in Takahama, arrived
at Kobe on December 3 by the O.S.K. (full) ferry Murasaki Maru. He and his
group immediately boarded motorcars and drove to Osaka.[31]
When Inukai Tsuyoshi became the new Prime Minister
on December 12, 1931, Heruy asked to meet with him, which he did three days
later. His last important meeting,
Heruy’s mission left Japan on December 28, 1931. He had spent about forty days in Japan.[32] What happened between December 15 and 28?
CONSEQUENCES OF HERUY’S VISIT
The trip clearly affected Heruy and those traveling
with him. The month-long sea voyage to
Japan included stops in India, Singapore, Indo-China, and Shanghai. Everywhere along the way, they saw Asians
under white, colonial rule. In
contrast, Japan was friendly, modern, vibrant, strong—and independent. Especially impressive to the Ethiopians had
been the opportunity to be “wined and dined” with Japan’s emperor—at a time
when he lived in god-like seclusion with few having the opportunity to meet
with him. Every day he had dictated his
impressions to Araya, and using these notes in 1932 he published a book in
Amharic with the title Mahdara berhan
hagara Japan [The Source of Light: The Country of Japan]. The Gobi Sebah press sold the volume
illustrated with 58 photographs for 3.50 thalers and for the one not
illustrated for 2.50 thalers. This was
likely the first book by an African to try seriously to introduce Japan to
Africans. Former foreign minister
Shidehara Kijuro wrote the foreword to the Japanese translation, Dai Nippon [Great Japan], published in Tokyo in 1934. Japanese readers eagerly read the account. The trip and subsequent book played into
western fears that Ethiopia would take Japan for its model for modernization.[33]
Heruy’s mission to Ethiopia returned to Ethiopia
with two Japanese. The first, one Tada
(full), stayed only three months with Heruy as a tailor. The second, Dr. Yamauchi Masao, proved more
important. He went as a representative
of the Ministry of Emigration and later became a special correspondent of the Osaka Mainichi. Losing no time in picking up some knowledge
of Amharic, in both positions, he actively promoted closer ties between Japan
and Ethiopia. He spearheaded Japan’s
commercial thrust into Ethiopia that provoked so much alarm among
Europeans. Yamauchi’s drive impressed
the British minister who conceded his admiration for his “skill and
thoroughness.” The minister lamented
that European merchants, “who complain so bitterly of Japanese competition”
were not nearly as energetic or effective. [34]
Japan’s approaches especially exercised the
Italians. Rome claimed that the
Anglo-French-Italian agreement 1906 and the Italo-Ethiopian treaty of 1928
sanctified Italy’s position in Ethiopia.
Yet, inroads by anyone, especially the Americans and Japanese, petrified
Rome. [35] Naturally, then, Italy’s representatives in
Tokyo closely followed Heruy’s progress through Japan, though more calmly than
those in Rome who read the reports.[36] Similarly more sanguine than their superiors
in Rome, Italy’s representatives in Ethiopia often downplayed Japanese
successes. In the face of fears that
Heruy’s visit provided the key to opening the door to massive Japanese immigration,
the local representatives noted in early 1932 that the Ethiopian court had
employed only two Japanese. A husband
and wife, one was a cook and the other a maid.[37]
For Japan, Heruy’s visit visibly raised
Japanese-Ethiopian relations to their zenith and encouraged widespread public
support for Ethiopia during the Ethiopian Crisis a few years later. Heruy’s journey to Japan also marked his
future career, and his admiration for the Japanese developmental model alarmed
the Western powers, which had no wish for a second Japan—this one in Africa.[38]
A couple of years after Heruy’s trip, the
peripatetic journalist, Ladislas Farago, asked Heruy about his visit and its
implications: “Your Excellency was speaking of your journey to Japan. It roused a great commotion at the time, and
started many rumours. Why did you go to
Japan?” Heruy replied:
I was waiting for that
question for it is always asked; and it is not difficult for me to be quite
undiplomatic and tell you the simple truth.
We had no ulterior motive, and what we wanted was no mystery. Japan has been growing into one of the most
influential great powers, and while all the other important nations had their
representatives in Addis Ababa, Japan was not represented at His Majesty’s
court by so much as an Honorary Consul.
It meant a great deal to us to open up diplomatic connections with
Japan, and that was the primary reason for my journey.
The second reason was purely
economic. Our people are poor, and our
export trade has shrunk during the last few years owing to the depression. We had to find a source for cheap everyday
goods, and Japan is famous the world over as the country that sells the
cheapest goods, specially cotton, which our country now imports in great
quantities. We used to get most of the
cotton that we required from the United States, but as Japan can supply the
same thing eighty per cent cheaper, we naturally buy our requirements from
her. The hackneyed term “Japanese invasion”
has a real meaning in this country, for half of our imports is comprised of
cotton.[39]
Heruy was more
“diplomatic” than he allowed. He had
also requested arms and munitions from the Japanese government. Tokyo, however, was then dealing with the
Manchurian Incident and had worries other than those of supplying arms and
munitions to Ethiopia.[40]
Over the next several years as Italy prepared to attack Ethiopia, Foreign Minister Heruy was unable to muster either allies or arms sufficient to protect Ethiopia’s independence. After defeat and always Hayle Sellase’s trusted adviser, he went into exile with the emperor in 1936 and died in England.

TWO POSTSCRIPTS: A MARRIAGE PROPOSAL AND DABA BIRROU’S DESPERATE SEARCH FOR ARMS
Two interesting diplomatic maneuvers grew out of
Heruy’s trip to Japan. The first
concerned the Araya Abeba. The second
involved Daba Birrou, who had translated for Heruy.
Araya, a member of Hayle Sellase’s extended family,
was a figure of underestimated importance in the Japanizer movement. A handsome young man, he played an important
part in Ethiopia’s relations with Japan, and he gives every appearance of being
groomed for greater things until the Italo-Ethiopian War intervened. Araya saw the Japanizers as “visionaries,”
and he admired Japanese courtesy, development, and modernization. If remembered at all today, it is for his
proposed marriage with a Japanese, Kuroda Masako, a subject of great mirth and
greater fear among many European observers.
Even before his trip to Japan in 1931 with Heruy, his friend and patron,
Araya had already expressed his wish to marry a Japanese woman. Partly this reflected the Japanizer in him
as well as his desire for a traditionally submissive woman. Heruy was aware of Araya’s interest, but
initially restrained him for fear that the marriage would adversely affect
Ethiopia’s foreign relations and might interfere with his mission to Japan.[41]
To statesmen in London,
Paris, Moscow, and elsewhere, the threat of Japanese political, commercial, and
military intrusions into Ethiopia seemed sufficient to justify Italy’s military
preparations against Ethiopia from 1934 on.
In 1933 and 1934, Araya’s proposed marriage vexingly personified these
intrusions. One hyperventilated account
argued that,
[P]lans have been made for effecting mixed marriages between the eligible Japanese settlers (estimated at about 2000 in number) and native Abyssinian women. This declared policy which is intended to produce a new race of leaders in the united revolt of the coloured peoples against the white races, was to have been inaugurated by the marriage of Princess Masako, a daughter of the Japanese prince Kurado [Kuroda], to the Ethiopian prince Lij Ayalé [Araya].[42]
Mistakenly believing that this was to be a royal
wedding, Europeans saw the genesis of the proposed marriage as lying in
Ethiopia’s wish to model its modernization after Japan and in Japan’s romantic
vision of Ethiopia.
While this explains the
motives of Araya and Kuroda for joining in an arranged marriage, other
individuals were also involved. Most
important were several Pan-Asian, nationalist Japanese who were promoting the
marriage to leverage a prominent role for themselves in commercial exchanges
between Japan and Ethiopia. One was
Yamauchi. Interestingly, neither
government in Tokyo or Addis Ababa promoted the marriage idea; neither lamented
when the proposal died sometime in 1934; and both suffered international
complications because of it.[43]
The proposed union continued
to rankle Italians long after the quasi-betrothal had been broken off.[44] Enemies of Ethiopia or Japan continued to
write about it long after they had every cause to know that it had never
carried the policy implications feared and had not come to pass anyway. One Communist book published in 1936, for
example, echoed the thoughts and fears of many, when it thundered against
Japanese imperialism: “Through the marriage of an Abyssinian prince to the
daughter of a Japanese noble, the Japanese were enabled to equip airdromes in
Ethiopian and to receive a cotton concession there.”[45] Clearly, for Moscow as for many others, the
falseness of such statements was less important than was the need to draw on
any potential anti-Japanese and anti-Ethiopian arguments.
The second diplomatic
postscript involved Heruy’s translator, Daba Birrou.
In the first half of the
1930s as Italy geared up for war in East Africa, Ethiopia sought outside
political, military, and economic support to balance Italy’s greater
power. No one—to the great upset of the
Italians and many in Japan’s government—responded more favorably than did
Japan’s pan-Asian nationalists. As war
approached in the summer of 1935, Ethiopia’s lack of supplies was becoming ever
more obvious as outlying troops were daily pouring into Addis Ababa to get
equipment only to find none available.
Desperate for arms and munitions, Emperor Hayle Sellase decided to take
advantage of popular Japanese sentiments to send Daba to Japan. Ostensibly, he was to be the first secretary
to Ethiopia’s honorary consul in Osaka.
Shoji Yunosuke, a Pan-Asian nationalist and correspondent for the Osaka Mainichi accompanied him. His newspaper sponsored the trip. Shoji had actively promoted Araya’s proposed
marriage to Kuroda.[46]
Daba and Shoji arrived in
Japan on September 13, and Italy attacked Ethiopia three weeks later. Despite the enthusiastic welcome for Daba
from many nationalist Japanese, the government in Tokyo proved unwilling to
oppose Italy either directly or indirectly.
Its interests in Ethiopia were too few to risk a confrontation in a
theater so far away. In short, Japan
put international relations first and had few resources anyway to offer East
Africa. Japan’s foreign ministry and
army agreed that public passions would not affect policy. The government announced that it would
strictly observe neutrality, calmly watch the East African crisis, and
completely ignore League of Nations policy.[47] The Japanese told the Italians but not Daba
that they would not send loans, arms, munitions, volunteers, or a military
mission to an Ethiopia unable to pay anyway.
Tokyo rejected Daba’s requests only through its instructions of December
4 preparing for appointing a minister ad
interim, who would open Japan’s new legation in Addis Ababa in January
1936.[48] On January 23, 1936, Heruy visited the newly
opened Japanese legation at Addis Ababa to order small quantities of light arms
from Japan, but did no better than was Daba.[49]
One of the Japanese
nationalists actively involved in Heruy’s visit in 1931, Araya’s marriage
proposal, and now Daba’s visit was Sumioka Tomoyoshi. At the end of March, in a letter to Ethiopia’s emperor, he
predicted that Ethiopia’s brave army commanded by “its courageous King of
Kings” would defeat his enemies. The
letter went on to commend Daba’s activities:
During his six months’
sojourn in Japan . . . Daba has at all times conducted himself with credit, and
at no time has the prestige of Abyssinia suffered at his hands. . . . [Foreign
Minister] Hirota . . . has received him twice in private conference and has
seen him to the door in person when . .
. [he] took leave. . . .
Despite the difficulties . .
. Daba has been able to push negotiations with the Japanese authorities to a
point where agreement on principles has been reached, although on particulars
there still seems room for further discussion.
The goodwill of the Japanese
people toward Abyssinia has been evinced in the warm welcome which . . . Daba
received when he landed at Kobe and when he arrived at Tokyo station and in the
intense activities of . . . organizations and individuals in sending medical
supplies, money and other articles for the aid of the Abyssinian people.[50]
Sumioka’s statement clearly—even if
inadvertently—emphasized the quasi-official nature of Daba’s visit. And Sumioka’s list of accomplishments—Daba
had seen Hirota twice and been escorted to the door; he had negotiated
“agreement in principles” even if without particulars; he had been
enthusiastically welcomed by many Japanese; some few groups had sent some few
medical supplies; and Daba had not embarrassed himself—merely highlights how
little his visit had achieved or even could have achieved.
Italy’s ambassador in Tokyo agreed. He had only casually followed Daba’s
exploits. In his report to Rome
describing Daba’s departure from Tokyo at the end of March, he mentioned the
couple of hundred members of “reactionary nationalistic associations,” who had
seen him off at the station. He
received assurances from the war ministry that the supplies given Daba had been
but a few samples of poor quality, and did not include “even one of the rifles
that he had been insistently requesting.”[51]
After seven months in Japan,
Daba sailed for his homeland on April 2.
Although he had declined to attend a farewell party held by right-wing
organizations, Daba did put on a brave face in interviews with the Osaka Mainichi just before his
departure.[52] At a press conference on April 17, a
Japanese foreign ministry spokesman stated that if Italy subjugated Ethiopia,
Japan would act independently to protect its rights and interests in that
region. He pointed out that Japan had a
friendship and commercial agreement with Ethiopia and that commerce between the
two countries had been increasing.[53]
Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s army
was neither sufficiently armed, trained, nor led to effectively resist for long
Italy’s invasion. Italian troops
entered Addis Ababa in May 1936.
By mid-October, Daba had
settled himself in Cairo, and on December 12, he subjected himself to Italian
authority and received a passport.[54]
Tokyo also adjusted itself
to Italy’s conquest of the Ethiopian Empire.
The exchange of recognitions on December 2, 1936—Japan’s conquest of
Manchukuo for Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia—paved the way for the reconciliation
between Tokyo and Rome and their eventual alliance during World War II.[55]
Surely, Rome and Tokyo could
not have this volte-face so quickly
if the Italians had not come to believe Tokyo’s many declarations of innocence
about the arms transfers and training that Ethiopia had so desperately sought
through Daba’s mission. Perhaps they
never had. But whether they had or not,
throughout 1935 and much of 1936, they had effectively used rumors of significant
Japanese inroads into Ethiopia to successfully disarm potential international
opposition to Italy’s coming adventure, especially in London, Paris, and
Moscow. In truth, Daba’s visit never
had any real chance to succeed other than as a publicity stunt orchestrated by
Shoji and the Osaka Mainichi.
Italy, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Commissione
per la Pubblicazione dei Documenti Diplomatici [Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Commission for the Publication of Diplomatic Documents, I documenti diplomatici italiani [Italian Diplomatic Documents], 7th
Series: 1922-1935. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1952.
Italy.
Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Direzione Generale degli Affari Politici,
Etiopia [Ministry of Foreign Affairs, General Office of Political Affairs,
Ethiopia, 1930-45] (Rome). Cited as AP Etiopia.
Italy. Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Direzione
Generale degli Affari Politici, Etiopia—Fondo di Guerra (1935-40) (Rome)
[Ministry of Foreign Affairs, General Office of Political Affairs, Ethiopia,
1930-45]. Cited as AP Etiopia—Guerra.
Japan,
Gaimusho Gaiko Shiryo Kan (Tokyo) [Record Office, Ministry of Foreign Affairs].
Cited as GSK.
United
States, National Archives (College Park, MD), Record Group 59, General Records
of the Department of State, Decimal Files.
Cited as NARA.
Interview
with Amde Araya (son of Araya Abeba) and Araya Abeba, Fairfax Lakes Park, VA,
and apartment of Araya Abeba, Alexandria, VA, July 7, 2001, 1:45-6:30 p.m.
Japan Advertiser
Japan Times
Osaka Mainichi &Tokyo Nichi Nichi [cited as OM&TNN]
Secondary Sources
Aoki Sumio and Kurimoto Eisei. “Japanese Interest in Ethiopia
(1868-1940): Chronology and Bibliography.” In Ethiopia in Broader Perspective: Papers of the XIIIth International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, K. E. Fukui and M. Shigeta, eds. 3 vols.
Kyoto: Shokado Book Sellers, 1997, 713-28.
Aoki Sumio. “Nihon-jin no
Afurika ‘Hakken’ (6): Echiopia Gaimu Daijinno H-nichi to Nichi-E Kankei” [The
Voyage of the Ethiopian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Japan and Relations
between Japan and Ethiopia]. Gekkan Afurika
37 (1997): 31-34.
Bahru Zewde. “The Concept of Japanization in the Intellectual History of
Modern Ethiopia.” In Bahru Zewde, et al., ed. Proceedings of Fifth Seminar of the Department of History. Addis
Ababa: Addis Ababa University, 1990.
Bradshaw, Richard. “Japan and European Colonialism in Africa 1800-1937.”
Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio University, 1992.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “Dashed Hopes for Support: Daba Birrou’s and
Shoji Yunosuke’s Trip to Japan, 1935,” Selected
Annual Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians 11 (Feb. 2004): 135-51.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “Marriage Alliance: The Union of Two Imperiums:
Japan and Ethiopia?” Selected Annual
Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians 7 (Dec. 1999): 105-16.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “Mutual Interests: Japan and Ethiopia Before the
Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-36.” Selected
Annual Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians 9 (Feb. 2002):
83-97.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “Periphery and Crossroads: Ethiopia and World
Diplomacy, 1934-36.” In Ethiopia in
Broader Perspective: Papers of the XIIIth International Conference of Ethiopian
Studies. 3 vols., Edited by K. E. Fukui and M. Shigeta, eds. Kyoto: Shokado
Book Sellers, 1997. 1: 699-712.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “The Politics of Arms Not Given: Japan,
Ethiopia, and Italy in the 1930s.” Girding for Battle: The Arms Trade in a
Global Perspective, 1815-1940. Edited by Donald J. Stoker Jr. and Jonathan
A. Grant. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003, 135-53.
Clarke, J. Calvitt, III. “Seeking a Model for Modernization: Ethiopia’s
Japanizers,” Selected Annual Proceedings of the Florida Conference of
Historians 10 (Feb. 2004): 7-22.
Faërber-Ishihara,
Hidéko. “Heruy, le Japon et les “japonisants.” In Alain Rouaud, ed. Les orientalistes sont des aventuriers.
Guirlande offerte à Joseph Tubiana par ses élèves et ses amis. Paris:
Sépia, 1999.
Faërber-Ishihara,
Hidéko. Les premiers contacts entre
l’Éthiopie et le Japon. Paris: Aresae, 1998.
Farago,
Ladislas. Abyssinia on the Eve. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1935.
Furukawa
Tetsushi. “Japanese‑Ethiopian Relations in the 1920‑30s: The Rise
and Fall of ‘Sentimental’ Relations.” Paper presented at the 34th Annual
Meeting of the African Studies Association, St. Louis, MO, Nov. 1991.
Furukawa
Tetsushi. “Japan’s Political Relations with Ethiopia, 1920s-1960s: A Historical
Overview.” Unpublished paper presented to the 35th Annual Meeting of the
African Studies Association, Seattle, WA, Nov. 20-23, 1992.
Heruy
Welde Sellase. Dai Nihon [Light of
Japan]. Translated by Oreste Vaccari. Foreword by Baron Shidehara Kijuro.
Tokyo: Eibunpo-Tsuron Shoji, 1933.
Mockler, Anthony. Hale Selassie’s
War: The Italian-Ethiopian Campaign, 1935-1941. New York: Random House,
1984.
Okakura Takashi and Kitagawa Katsuhiko. Nihon-Afurika Koryu-shi: Meiji-ki kara Dainiji Sekai Taisen-ki made
[History of Japanese-African Relations: From the Meiji Period to the Second
World War Period]. Tokyo: Dobun-kan, 1993.
Procházka, Roman. Abyssinia: The
Powder Barrel. London: British International News Agency, 1936.
Prouty, Chris and Eugine Rosenfeld, eds. Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia. Metuthen, NJ: The Scarecrow
Press, 1981.
Shoji
Yunosuke. Echiopia Kekkon Mondai wa
Donaru, Kaisho ka? Ina!!!: Kekkon Mondai o Shudai to shite Echiopia no Shinso o
Katari Kokumin no Saikakunin o Yobo su [What Will Happen to the Ethiopian
Marriage Issue, Cancellation? or Not!!!: I Request the Re-recognition of the
Japanese Nation by Narrating the Truth of Ethiopia with the Marriage Issue as
the Central Theme]. Tokyo: Seikyo Sha, 1934.
Tanin,
O. and E. Yohan. When Japan Goes to War.
New York: International Publishers, 1936.
Taura Masanori. “‘Nichi-I Kankei (1935-36) to
sono Yotai’ Echiopia Senso wo meguru Nihon gawa Taio kara,” in Ito Takashi,
ed., Nihon Kindai-shi no Saikochiku
(Tokyo 1993) 302-28.
Taura
Masanori. “Nihon-Echiopia kankei ni miru 1930 nen tsusho gaiko no iso” [A Phase
of the 1930 Commercial Diplomacy in the Japanese-Ethiopian Relations], Seifu to
Minkan [Government and Civilians], Nenpo
Kindai Nihon Kenkyu [Annual Report, Study of Modern Japan] 17 (1995):
141-70.
Unno
Yoshiro. "Dainiji Itaria-Echiopia Senso To Nihon" [Japan and the
Second Italo-Ethiopian War], Hosei Riron
[The Journal of Politics and Law (Niigata University, Japan)] 16, 2 (1983):
188-240.
Yilma
Asfa. Haile Selassie, Emperor of
Ethiopia: With a Brief Account of the History of Ethiopia with a Brief Account
of the History of Ethiopia, Including the Origins of the Present Struggle, and
a Description of the Country and Its Peoples. London: Sampson, Low, Marston
& Co. 1936.
Zervos,
Adrien. L’Empire d’Ethiopie: Le Miroir de
L’Ethiopie Moderne 1906-1935. Alexandria, Egypt: Impr. de l’Ecole
professionnelle des freres, 1936.
Return to Jay Clarke’s Homepage
[1] J. Calvitt Clarke III, “Mutual Interests: Japan and
Ethiopia Before the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-36.” Selected Annual Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians
9 (Feb. 2002): 83-97; J. Calvitt Clarke III, “Seeking a Model for
Modernization: Ethiopia’s Japanizers,” Selected Annual Proceedings of the
Florida Conference of Historians 10 (Feb. 2004): 7-22; Richard Bradshaw,
“Japan and European Colonialism in Africa 1800-1937” (Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio
University, 1992), 300; Aoki Sumio and Kurimoto Eisei, “Japanese Interest in
Ethiopia (1868-1940): Chronology and Bibliography,” in Ethiopia in Broader Perspective: Papers of the XIIIth International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, K. E. Fukui and M. Shigeta, eds., 3 vols.,
(Kyoto: Shokado Book Sellers, 1997): 1: 713-28; Adrien Zervos, L’Empire d’Ethiopie: Le Miroir de L’Ethiopie
Moderne 1906-1935 (Alexandria, Egypt: Impr. de l’Ecole professionnelle des
freres, 1936), 481-85. In National
Archives (College Park, MD), Record Group 59, Decimal File [hereafter cited as
NARA] see Park, 4/2/30: United States, National Archives (College Park, MD),
Record Group 59, Decimal File [hereafter cited as NARA] 701.9484/1; Park,
4/2/30: 784.942/2; Southard, 3/9/31: 701.9484/1; Neville, 6/4/31: 701.9484/2;
Grew, 9/14/32: 784.9411/no no.; Grew, 9/14/32: 784.942/4; Southard, 10/5/32:
033.8411/81; Southard, 10/5/32: 784.942/3; Southard, 12/17/32: 784.9411/1;
Southard, 12/17/32: 784.942/5; and Grene, 1/17/34: 784.942/6.
[2] Hidéko Faërber-Ishihara, “Heruy, le Japon et les
“japonisants,” in Alain Rouaud, ed. Les
orientalistes sont des aventuriers. Guirlande offerte à Joseph Tubiana par ses
élèves et ses amis (Paris: Sépia, 1999), 145; Chris Prouty and Eugine
Rosenfeld, eds., Historical Dictionary of
Ethiopia (Metuthen, NJ: The Scarecrow Press, 1981), 91-93, 94.
[3] Faërber-Ishihara, “Heruy,”
145.
[4] Ibid.,
147-48.
[5] Ibid., 148.
[6] Ibid., 148.
[7] Taura Masanori, “Nihon-Echiopia kankei ni miru 1930
nen tsusho gaiko no iso” [A Phase of the 1930 Commercial Diplomacy in the
Japanese-Ethiopian Relations], Seifu to
Minkan [Government and Civilians], Nenpo
Kindai Nihon Kenkyu [Annual Report, Study of Modern Japan] 17 (1995):
148-49; Hidéko Faëber-Ishihara, Les
premiers contacts entre l’Éthiopie et le Japon (Paris: ARESAE, 1998), 12; Bahru Zewde, “The Concept of
Japanization in the Intellectual History of Modern Ethiopia,” in Bahru Zewde,
et al., ed. Proceedings of Fifth Seminar
of the Department of History (Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, 1990),
3; Furukawa Tetsushi. “Japanese‑Ethiopian Relations in the 1920-30s: The
Rise and Fall of ‘Sentimental’ Relations.” Paper presented at the 34th Annual
Meeting of the African Studies Association, St. Louis, MO, Nov. 1991; Furukawa
Tetsushi, “Japan’s Political Relations with Ethiopia, 1920s-1960s: A Historical
Overview,” unpublished paper presented to the 35th Annual Meeting of the African
Studies Association, Seattle, WA, Nov. 20-23, 1992.
[8] Southard, 10/5/31: NARA 033.8411/81.
[9] Heruy Welde Sellase, Dai Nihon [Great Japan] trans. Oreste Vaccari, Foreword by Baron
Shidehara Kijuro (Tokyo, Eibunpo-Tsuron Shoji, 1933), Preface; Faëber-Ishihara,
Les premiers contacts, 12; J. Calvitt
Clarke III, “Marriage Alliance: The Union of Two Imperiums: Japan and
Ethiopia?” Selected Annual Proceedings of
the Florida Conference of Historians 7 (Dec. 1999): 105-16; J. Calvitt
Clarke III, “Dashed Hopes for Support: Daba Birrou’s and Shoji Yunosuke’s Trip
to Japan, 1935,” Selected Annual
Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians 11 (Feb. 2004): 135-51.
[10] Southard, 10/5/31: NARA 033.8411/81.
[11] Southard, 10/5/31: NARA 033.8411/81.
[12] Osaka Mainichi &Tokyo Nichi Nichi [cited as OM&TNN], Nov.
6, 1931.
[13] Faëber-Ishihara, Les
premiers contacts, 12, citing Heruy, Dai
Nihon, 17.
[14] OM&TNN,
Nov. 1, 1931; Taura, “Nihon-Echiopia kankei,” 149; Heruy, Dai Nihon, 1-15; Bradshaw, “Japan,” 308.
[15] OM&TNN,
Nov. 7, 1931.
[16] OM&TNN,
Nov. 7, 1931; Shoji Yunosuke, Echiopia
Kekkon Mondai wa Donaru, Kaisho ka? Ina!!!: Kekkon Mondai o Shudai to shite
Echiopia no Shinso o Katari Kokumin no Saikakunin o Yobo su [What Will
Happen to the Ethiopian Marriage Issue, Cancellation? or Not!!!: I Request the
Re-recognition of the Japanese Nation by Narrating the Truth of Ethiopia with
the Marriage Issue as the Central Theme] (Tokyo: Seikyo Sha, 1934), 3; Majoni,
11/9/31: Italy, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Direzione Generale degli Affari
Politici, Etiopia [Ministry of Foreign Affairs, General Office of Political
Affairs, Ethiopia, 1930-45] (Rome). [Abbreviated as AP Etiopia], b(usta) 8
f(oglio) 1.
[17] OM&TNN,
Nov. 7, 1931; Heruy, Dai Nihon,
18-30; Bradshaw, “Japan,” 308; Faëber-Ishihara, Les premiers contacts, 12-13.
[18] Okakura Takashi and Kitagawa Katsuhiko, Nihon-Afurika Koryu-shi: Meiji-ki kara
Dainiji Sekai Taisen-ki made [History of Japanese-African Relations: From
the Meiji Period to the Second World War Period] (Tokyo: Dobun-kan, 1993),
32-33, quote on 33; Faërber-Ishihara, “Heruy,” 144.
[19] OM&TNN,
Nov. 8, 10, 12, 1931.
[20] Ibid., Nov.
11, 15, 1931; Bradshaw, “Japan,” 308-09.
[21] OM&TNN,
Nov. 19, 1931; Bradshaw, “Japan,” 309.
[22] OM&TNN,
Nov. 20, 1931.
[23] Ibid., Nov.
25, 1931.
[24] Ibid., Nov.
25, 1931.
[25] Ibid.. Nov.
24, 1931.
[26] OM&TNN,
Nov. 25, 27, 1931; Bradshaw, “Japan,” 309-10.
[27] OM&TNN,
Nov. 28, 1931.
[28] OM&TNN,
Nov. 29, Dec 1, 1931.
[29] OM&TNN,
Dec. 1, 1931; Consul in Yokohama, 11/30/31: Ethiopia b8 f1; Bradshaw, “Japan,”
310-11.
[30] OM&TNN,
Dec. 3, 1931.
[31] OM&TNN,
Dec. 4, 1931.
[32] Furukawa, “Japan’s Political Relations;” Furukawa,
“Japanese-Ethiopian Relations,” citing Heruy, Dai Nihon, Part 3-5.
[33] Heruy, Dai
Nihon; Interview with Amde Araya (son of Araya Abeba) and Araya Abeba, Fairfax
Lakes Park, VA, and apartment of Araya Abeba, Alexandria, VA, July 7, 2001,
1:45-6:30 p.m.; Faërber-Ishihara, “Heruy,” 144; Faëber-Ishihara, Les premiers contacts, 13.
[34] Bahru, “Concept of Japanization,” 3.
[35] As a small example of Italian fear of being displaced
in Ethiopia, see Italy, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Commissione per la
Pubblicazione dei Documenti Diplomatici [Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Commission for the Publication of Diplomatic Documents, I documenti diplomatici italiani [Italian Diplomatic Documents], 7th
Series: 1922-1935 (Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1952), vol. 11: nos. 42, 148,
177, and 204.
[36] Colonial Minister, 9/11/31; Circular, 9/24/31;
Majoni, 11/9/31; Majoni, 12/22/31; Circular, 1/12/32; Tokyo, 4/19/32: AP
Ethiopia b8 f1.
[37] Tokyo, 2/5/32; London, 3/1/32; Manzoni, 4/22/32: AP Ethiopia b8 f1.
[38] Also see Tokyo, 9/14/31; Paternò, 10/5/31; Gabelli,
10/8/31; Paternò, 10/19/31; Scammacca, 1/30/32; Tokyo, 9/14/32: Etiopia b8 f1;
Addis Ababa, 12/17/32: AP Etiopia b14 f9; Japan
Times, Nov. 23, 1934; Taura, “Nihon-Echiopia kankei,” 150-51; Marcus, Haile Sellassie I, 114, see also
109-113; Okakura and Kitagawa, Nihon-Afurika
Koryu-shi, 32-37; Asfa Yilma, Haile
Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia: With a Brief Account of the History of Ethiopia
with a Brief Account of the History of Ethiopia, Including the Origins of the
Present Struggle, and a Description of the Country and Its Peoples (London:
Sampson, Low, Marston & Co. 1936), 208-33; Anthony Mockler, Hale Selassie’s War: The Italian-Ethiopian
Campaign, 1935-1941 (New York: Random House, 1984), 16.
[39] Ladislas Farago, Abyssinia
on the Eve (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1935), 127-28.
[40] Faëber-Ishihara, Les
premiers contacts, 19, Tsuchida’s report, [1934 (?)], 107, 115-116; Tsuchida
(1935), 24; J. Calvitt Clarke III, “The
Politics of Arms Not Given: Japan, Ethiopia, and Italy in the 1930s,”
Girding for Battle: The Arms Trade in a Global Perspective, 1815-1940,
Donald J. Stoker Jr. and Jonathan A. Grant, eds. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003),
135-53.
[41] Interview with Amde Araya.
[42] Roman Procházka, Abyssinia:
The Powder Barrel (London: British International News Agency, 1936),
60. Translated from the German edition
of 1935, this book was printed in Austria.
Procházka had lived in Ethiopia—and had not much liked it there.
[43] Clarke, “Marriage Alliance,” 105-16.
[44] Grene, 1/17/34: NARA 784.94/6.
[45] O. Tanin and E. Yohan, When Japan Goes to War (New York:
International Publishers, 1936), 14.
For the Soviet Union’s policies vis-à-vis
Italy, Japan, and Ethiopia before the Italo-Ethiopian War, see J. Calvitt
Clarke III, “Periphery and Crossroads: Ethiopia and World Diplomacy, 1934-36,”
in Ethiopia in Broader Perspective:
Papers of the XIIIth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, 3
vols., K. E. Fukui and M. Shigeta, eds. (Kyoto: Shokado Book Sellers, 1997), 1:
699-712.
[46] Clarke, “Dashed Hopes,” 135-51.
[47] Scalise, 10/14/35:
Italy, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Direzione Generale degli Affari Politici,
Etiopia—Fondo di Guerra (1935-40) [Ministry of Foreign Affairs, General Office
of Political Affairs, Ethiopia, 1930-45] (Rome) [Abbreviated as AP
Etiopia—Guerra] b(usta) 72 f(oglio) 3; Circular, 10/9/35: AP Etiopia—Guerra
b117 f4; Japan Advertiser, Oct. 5,
1935.
[48]Unno Yoshiro, "Dainiji Itaria-Echiopia Senso To
Nihon" [Japan and the Second Italo-Ethiopian War], Hosei Riron [The Journal of Politics and Law (Niigata University,
Japan)] 16, 2 (1983): 209. Taura
Masanori has written on the issue of Japan’s establishing and maintaining a
legation in Addis Ababa. See
“Nihon-Echiopia Kankei,” 141-70 and “‘Nichi-I Kankei (1935-36) to sono Yotai’
Echiopia Senso wo meguru Nihon gawa Taio kara,” in Ito Takashi, ed., Nihon Kindai-shi no Saikochiku (Tokyo
1993) 302-28.
[49] Faëber-Ishihara, Les
premiers contacts, 20.
[50] Japan
Advertiser, Mar. 28, 1936; Grew, 4/16/36: NARA 894.00 P.R./100.
[51] Auriti, 3/31/36, 3/6/36:
AP Etiopia—Guerra b117 f7.
[52] OM&TNN, Mar. 31, Apr. 1,
1936.
[53] Grew, 5/13/36: NARA
894.00/unclear; Unno, “Dainiji Italia-Echiopia Senso,” 208-09.
[54] Rome, 6/13/36; Corti, 8/18/36; Minister of War, 9/29/36; Fabiani, 4/30/36,
9/8/36; Cairo, 10/3/36; 10/23/36; 12/18/36; Ghigi, 12/5/36: AP Etiopia—Guerra
b117 f7.
[55] Bradshaw,
“Japan,” 320-22, 358-62; Sugimura, 10/29/36: Japan, Gaimusho Gaiko Shiryo Kan
[Record Office, Ministry of Foreign Affairs] (Tokyo) [hereafter cited as GSK]
A461 ET/I1-8; Sugimura, 5/12-13/36, 5/25-26/36; Mushanokoji, 5/15-16/36: GSK
A461 ET/I1-7-7; Okakura and Kitagawa, Nihon-Afurika
Koryu-shi, 40-45. America’s
representatives followed these events closely.
See the many documents in NARA 765.94.